Community Mental Health / Family Issues in Socio - Historical Context:
The Confederated Tribes of Coos, Lower Umpqua, and Siuslaw Indians

by

Walter T. Kawamoto, Ph.D.

Community Mental Health / Family Issues in Socio - Historical Context:
The Confederated Tribes of Coos, Lower Umpqua, and Siuslaw Indians

Abstract:

A review of the pertinent literature and interviews of key informants provided the basis for an exploration into the historical antecedents of some of the mental health/ family issues of the Confederated Tribes of Coos, Lower, Umpqua, and Siuslaw (CTCLUS) Indians of Oregon. This project was originally commissioned by the CTCLUS community to be a chapter in their Tribal Plan explaining the historical context of this tribe in relation to national American Indian events. Key historical events that have impacted this community include boarding schools, Termination, The Dawes Act, and racism. Key mental health issues that have followed these events include substance abuse, domestic violence, and a lack of parenting skills.

Introduction:

As a part of their Tribal Plan, the Confederated Tribes of Coos, Lower Umpqua, and Siuslaw (CTCLUS) Indians of Oregon, wanted a section that would basically answer the question, "What are the ways in which the history of our community has impacted the mental health / family issues within our community?" With limited time and monetary resources, I endeavored to answer this question with the as much quality information as possible utilizing pertinent literature and first-hand information from mental health professionals who have worked with community members and a respected tribal Elder and Historian. The original report was created to the specifications of CTCLUS officials, and ended up being a report of an investigation, not original research. What follows is a synopsis of the report to the CTCLUS community. This report demonstrates how Pan-Indian issues such as Termination, Boarding Schools, etc. can manifest themselves in specific tribes and their families in very contemporary ways.

The impact of historical events on present day issues is keenly felt in Indian Country. Several professionals have addressed this relationship in recent years. DeBruyn, LeMyra, et. al. (1990) defined the remaining pathologies after centuries of genocidal repression upon the American Indian people as "Historical Trauma". Middleton-Moz (1986) saw the incongruity between cultural values and modern expectations as creating "Cultural Depression". Bill Brainard, former Chief of the CTCLUS reported that he has experienced this incongruity in his life and in the experiences of the tribal community (Newman, 1993). In each Indian family Middleton-Moz worked with, she saw "massive grief" (Middleton-Moz, 1986) brought on by a host of historical losses such as alcoholism, boarding schools, and other events. Phil Tingley, President of the National Indian Social Workers Association, discussed how the impact of Indian history is a type of Post-Traumatic Stress (Gayle, 1994). These professionals have combined clinical effects and historical/cultural events to illustrate what they dealt with daily in serving American Indian communities.

To illustrate this historical connection further, this paper will focus on how national events impacted one particular Indian community. The body of this paper is divided into two major sections. The first section will address major historical events that have been a part of the American Indian experience. The second section will address family and mental health issues facing American Indians today. Both sections focus on these subjects from the perspective of the Confederated Tribes of Coos, Lower Umpqua, and Siuslaw Indians of Oregon. In addition to the literature reviewed for this paper, critical first hand information was provided by three key informants. Valuable historical information for this project was provided through a series of email messages with Don Whereat (July 10, July 14, & July 21, 1997), Coos Elder and Historian. Important mental health information was provided through email messages from Jim Pittenger (June 14, June 23, & July 4, 1997), Mental Health Professional with Oregon Coast Treatment Programs and a phone interview with Tim Lobato, Minority Program Manager with the Southwestern Oregon Community Action Committee (July 31, 1997).

Boarding Schools:

There are few American Indians who are not in some way affected by the phenomenon of the boarding school. Boarding schools were a primary component of the "civilization" programs sponsored by the US government. These programs were driven by a desire to dramatically change the whole race to be more European by changing the children first (Beckham, 1991).

One important aspect of the boarding school system was the isolation of children from their families. Middleton-Moz (1986) argued that it was this separation that was one of the most significant contributors to the near destruction of Indian families. One of the ways in which this action affected Indian families was that it segregated the best and brightest children farthest away from family and tribal life (Beckham, 1991).

Jim Pittenger noted that separation from the family has limited CTCLUS tribal members’ parental training experience for several generations. Training in how to relate to the opposite sex was also hindered (Pittenger, July 14, 1997). Pepper (1991) called this a disruption in the "Sense of Indian community". One of the most important Oregon Indian oral historians, Annie Miner Peterson (Coos) gave a sample of some of what the students who went to boarding schools lost. She shared important information such as spiritual traditions, communications practices, mate selection criteria, parenting standards, and courting traditions (Beckham and Whereat, 1991).

What few parenting skills they did adopt, were not often the most desirable. Tim Lobato (1997) traces negative disciplining skills such as corporal punishment and shaming in CTCLUS tribal members to boarding school practices. Terry Cross (Newman, 1993) supplements Lobato by reporting that boarding schools taught Indians how to be abusive, cold, and institutional. Another result of this discipline was the decision by many American Indians, who attended boarding schools, to deny their Indian heritage to their children. (Newman, 1993).

The amount of members of the Confederated Tribes of Coos, Lower Umpqua, and Siuslaw who went to boarding schools is not easily known. Don Whereat was able to identify periods which differentiate the use of boarding schools. He reported that in the early part of the century, there were probably quite a few children going to boarding schools. For those who did attend boarding schools, the two schools most tribal members attended were Chemawa, located in Salem, Oregon and another school (Whereat did not know the name) located in California (the two main California Indian boarding schools were Sherman Indian School and Fort Bidwell School). Most of the other children in the CTCLUS were going to school on the reservation in Siletz or Grand Ronde (Whereat, July 10, 1997). Later, many of the children in the CTCLUS who were living in the South Slough area, went to a nearby public school. Children were taken to boarding schools by court order. Sometimes it was determined that a mother could not afford to keep and care for her children (Whereat, July 10, 1997). Three out of four of Bill Brainard's grandmother's children were taken and sent to Chemawa. Brainard reported that, at the time, European Americans felt that Indian women were not capable of raising their children (Newman, 1993).

Whereat described Chemawa as, "not nearly as bad as other schools," but it did have a strict adherence to the policy of "English only", as did many other boarding schools (Whereat, July 10, 1997). Bernice Mitchell, a Warm Springs Elder who attended Chemawa, recalled that when she spoke her native language, she was forced to put her lips on a frozen pipe. Many of her contemporaries turned to alcohol and drugs in the face of boarding school discipline (Newman, 1993).

Many boarding schools today are a haven from the stressors of drugs and violence at home. For some, boarding schools are a place where students with issues, such as suicide, can go for support and assessment (Dinges and Duong-Tran, 1994). Don Whereat (July 10, 1997) noted that Chemawa today is a place were Indian kids from across the country go for help. It is also a place where students can explore and celebrate their Indian culture (Newman, 1993). In recent years, Whereat could recall only one tribal member who attended Chemawa, and that student wanted to go (Whereat, July 10, 1997).

Termination/Dislocation:

The Confederated Tribes of Coos, Lower Umpqua, and Siuslaw, have had a consistent theme of dislocation running through their histories, which culminated in the recent past with termination and restoration. Don Whereat punctuated the importance of the entire picture, when he mentioned that the damage was done long before Termination. He commented that being federally recognized did not mean all that much back in the 1950's when they had no reservation to lose, no educational programs, and no medical benefits other than a local doctor who came out to the Tribal Hall to give out medicine (Whereat, July 14, 1997). This is supported by Tim Lobato's comment that most of his CTCLUS clients do not remember termination or restoration (Lobato, 1997).

In the early days of their relationship with the US government, the Confederated Tribes, like many other Western Oregon tribes, were moved from one settlement to another. One of the first accounts of the reaction to being uprooted from their homelands, was from Indian Agent Metcalfe at Siletz in 1857. Metcalfe clearly illustrated the Indians' connection to the land when he reported that they wanted to return home, and that they were extremely concerned about their bodies being buried in a foreign land (Beckham, 1977). Part of the Confederated Tribes' (1997) Self Sufficiency Plan is to re-establish their ties to the land. The powerful negative impacts of dislocation and re-settlement, and the resultant feelings of rootlessness which led to issues such as depression and substance abuse, were detailed by Annie Miner Peterson as she discussed her own life and the lives of her contemporaries (Beckham and Whereat, 1991).

The most recent event to affect the Confederated Tribes' sense of dislocation was in 1956 when their recognition as Indian tribes was terminated, along with many other Oregon tribes (Beckham, 1991). One of the most significant impacts of Public Law 588 (Termination) was that Indians had to find new places to live. Many moved to urban areas such as Portland, Salem, Eugene, and Springfield (Beckham, 1977). Urban Indians today, but especially at the time of Termination, faced many challenges. Pepper (1991) described urban Indians as having a sense of losing their identity while struggling to adjust to an often frightening way of life. The Confederated Tribes (1997) has plans to address this by offering incentives for tribal members to move back in a positive way. At the same time they intend to serve tribal members across the state by enacting changes such as expansion of the Springfield Outreach Office.

The eventual outcome of the period of dislocation from the 1850's to the 1950's was a dramatic loss of tribal identity. Part of the effect of Termination was its timing. Termination was enacted at a time when the last of the generation that had direct ties to the past were passing away. As far as Whereat could remember, there was only one native Coos speaker left, and she died in 1976. At a time when efforts should have been made to preserve the community, the last of the "real" Coos Indians were dying off unnoticed (Whereat, July 10, 1997). Recognizing this tragedy, the Confederated Tribes (1997) have made plans to enhance their Cultural Department to preserve what remains of their cultural resources, including the wisdom of their elders. Today the assimilation and loss of cultural identity that was facilitated by the dislocation of the CTCLUS community runs deep. Whereat notes that most adult tribal members are uninterested in leaning their own language. Some no longer see the point of regaining cultural traditions when their connection to the tribal community is through a distant relative (Whereat, July 10, 1997). Lobato (1997) supported this finding of a "sense of loss of tribal identity" when he remarked that his clients have no sense of a specific tribal affiliation. They just identify themselves as "Coos" even if they may be Lower Umpqua or Siuslaw Indians.

In 1887 the Dawes (Allotment) Act was first passed by congress. Many of the tribal members in the Coos Bay area applied for allotments along the South Slough (Beckham, 1977). It is important to note tribal members' participation in this program because it was a particularly insidious plan that connects CTCLUS members to Indian communities across the country, who were also affected by the Dawes Act. The Act broke up communal tribal property into parcels of land, dissolving whatever governing structure may have existed. "Excess" parcels were then made available to European American settlers. Property owners were forced to turn their land into profit making farms or loose it to foreclosure when they could not pay their real estate taxes (Pevar, 1992). The Confederated Tribes eventually went from being the owners of 1.5 million acres, to a 6.1 acre reservation (Newman, 1993).

In addition to dealing with events from history directly affecting the CTCLUS community, tribal members have often had to contend with issues they face daily in the community. Jim Pittenger (July 4, 1997) suspected that the low self-report of Indian heritage his clients reported (who later revealed their tribal affiliation during treatment) is an indicator of how the community disregards American Indians. He also believed that this indicated how vulnerable his clients feel when they disclose that they are Indian. Lobato (1997) noted how many CTCLUS tribal members (who have acquired Non-Indian features from generations of intermarriage) have the option of choosing to disclose their tribal membership to their peers, but do not. These feelings may be a result of generations of negative feelings towards American Indians in coastal Oregon that seem to have been especially widespread in earlier days. Overt acts are only mentioned by clients when they discuss their parents or grandparents (Lobato, 1997). Bill Brainard reported harassment from local governments and unsympathetic townsfolk during the era of Termination (Newman, 1993).

The next few sections will address specific mental health issues that many professionals trace directly to the historical/contextual phenomena American Indians have had to face for generations. I will begin with a quick look at how each is perceived in the larger American Indian mental health literature, and then address the issue as it relates to the Confederated Tribes of Coos, Lower Umpqua, and Siuslaw Indian community.

Middleton-Moz (1986) stated that in most of the families she has worked with, there has been a consistent sense of depression and low self-esteem. She blamed these issues on many Indians' distaste for Non-Indian culture and a sense of powerlessness in society. Middleton-Moz's observations are similar to the comments of Agent Metcalfe in 1857. During that time, a large number of CTCLUS tribal members were living far away from their homelands at the Siletz Reservation. Metcalfe in Beckham (1977) stated that many of the Indians there died from a "depression of the spirits" (P.150). His belief was that many tribal members had lost the will to live, due to being imprisoned in a land that was not their own.

Drug and Alcohol Abuse:

Perhaps the most significant issue facing Indian Country today, is the scourge of drug and alcohol abuse, and the attendant problems of family violence, suicide, etc. Middleton-Moz (1986) went so far as to suggest that alcoholism is perhaps the main contributor to the destruction of the modern American Indian family. Middleton-Moz (1986) points out that current research recognizes historical stressors such as ethnic prejudice, and loss of control over one's destiny, play a much larger role than any thought of inherited succeptibility to alcoholism. Gayle (1994) focused on how Indian youth take drugs to escape. They use drugs as a resource to address the post-traumatic stress caused by different kinds of historical trauma. Lobato (1997) reported that the primary drug of choice of his CTCLUS clients is methamphetamines.

National figures describe the depth of this problem. Gayle (1994) reported that Indian youth use alcohol at a rate three times that of adolescents in the general population. Trying to get a handle on how the situation translates to the Confederated Tribes population however, is extremely difficult. This was evidenced when the Confederated Tribes (1997) found that the reported interest in drug and alcohol treatment among tribal members was far lower than expected. Their substance abuse counseling staff concluded that this was consistent with the phenomena of denial common among addicts and their families. As mentioned earlier, Jim Pittenger noted that many of his clients do not indicate their tribal affiliation on their intake forms, so all he can provide is an anecodatal accounting of what he learned in the process of treating individuals and families. Pittenger believes that over the nearly twenty years of his service in the community, he has learned that the per capita frequency of tribal members with substance abuse problems is far greater than in the larger community (Pittenger, July 4, 1997). His best quantifiable estimate is that 10% of admittants to his program are members of the Confederated Tribes. This rate is far higher than the Tribes' representation in the community (Pittenger, June 4, 1997). Tim Lobato (1997) supported Pittenger's observation that the percentage of tribal members with substance abuse issues far exceeds their representation in the community. He adds that the numbers of tribal members seeking treatment, however, are far lower than the larger population, suggesting that many are living in denial as "Functional Alcoholics". Don Whereat (July 10, 1997) reported that only a few tribal members had substance abuse problems. This discrepancy seems to illustrate the importance of getting perspectives from different sources.

The other important item that must be remembered when discussing substance abuse and American Indian people is that this is not a disease that has surfaced recently. Jim Pittenger does genograms with many of his clients. These are pictorial representations of a person's family that are used to discuss issues throughout the history of the family. He recalled one client whose family over the past four generations had only one individual without a drinking problem. This client stated that his family's story was typical of families in the CTCLUS community (Pittenger,June 14, 1997). Lobato (1997) characterized substance abuse as learned from generations of modeling. He stated that substance abuse has been predominant in family histories of his clients who are tribal members for three generations or more.

Domestic Violence and Suicide:

Domestic violence is a very serious matter in Indian Country, and clear connection has been established between physical abuse and alcoholism (DeMain, 1993). Don Whereat reported that he could recall many incidents of spouse abuse and eventual divorce within the Confederated Tribes (Whereat, July 10, 1997). Tim Lobato (1997) also indicated a high incidence of family violence reported from his clients affiliated with the Confederated Tribes. He also reported that the majority of the cases involved a husband assaulting his wife and/or a mother hitting her children.

Jim Pittenger (June 23, 1997) illustrated his knowledge of domestic violence cases by detailing the experiences of one couple in particular. This couple expressed pride that their level of violence was less frequent, and more subdued than other couples in their family. But this couple still exhibited violent behavior far greater than Pittenger would define as acceptable. They would shove and push, and throw things at each other. Pittenger (June 23, 1997) believes that this couple is one example of how domestic violence is so pervasive that the standard for precisely what is acceptable, has been lowered in the tribal community. He suggests that the roots of the endemic proportions of this go back to the lack of knowledge tribal members have about gender relations, due to having their families disrupted through boarding schools and foster families (Pittenger, July 14, 1997).

Pittenger discussed another area in which violence is a part of the tribal community. He noted that when tribal leaders use violence and threats as a means to lead and control, they are condoning the same behavior in families (Pittenger, June23, 1997). He commented that this violence may be traced to the aggressiveness and abuse settlers, and government agents inflicted on area Indians (Pittenger, July 4, 1997).

Gaye (1994) reports that the suicide rate for Indian youth is three times the national level. Lobato (1997) mentioned that many of his CTCLUS substance abuse referrals are often precipitated by a psychotic episode such as a suicide attempt. Pittenger (June 23, 1997) remarked that he has worked with many CTCLUS parents who avoid confronting their children because they were afraid it would lead to suicidal acting out. These observations suggest that suicide has a close relationship with the observed high levels of drug abuse, and that suicide is an issue that concerns many CTCLUS parents.

Multiple Issues:

It is important to note that few mental health issues manifest themselves in an isolated way. Pittenger remarked that most of his patients who are CTCLUS members have multiple severe problems (Pittenger, June 14, 1997). He later commented that the majority of the violence and accidental deaths in the community have involved substance abuse. Novalis et. al. (1993) recommend that people with more than one diagnosis are often best served by multiple/integrated programs. It is especially important for the CTCLUS to provide these integrated services, as other Oregon Indian services such as NARA and Nanitch Sahallie do not take such cases (Confederated Tribes, 1997).

Family Issues:

The American Indian family ideal has been well documented. Regardless of the damage done to many families around the country from the historical trauma of the past, the goal is clear. Pepper (1991) detailed the importance of the extended family and fictive kin network, as keys to Indian family stability. Middleton-Moz (1986) supported Pepper when she identified the support of the local Indian community as a major resource for the successful functioning of an Indian family. These are some of the values that the Confederated Tribes (1997) have expressed a commitment to facilitating in their future plans.

The Confederated Tribes of Coos, Lower Umpqua, and Siuslaw families that Jim Pittenger and Tim Lobato see are unfortunately very different than the American Indian family ideal. When Pittenger worked for Children's Services Division from 1985-1990, he observed that many of the lower income CTCLUS members, were single parent families battling alcoholism and violence (Pittenger, June 14, 1997). These families were loosely structured and provided little security or direction to their members (Pittenger, June 14, 1997). Pittenger goes on to describe these families as losing children at early ages. He also points out that poverty, unemployment, and poor housing were considered normal for extended periods of time (Pittenger, June 14, 1997).

New Hope:

Recently there have been many encouraging signs across Indian Country that efforts are being made to address the historical trauma facing American Indians. These efforts have enabled professionals to come to an understanding of what is needed in order to address the issues facing American Indian families. Ryan (1996) stated that an important key to enhancing self understanding among Indians is to validate and acknowledge cultural life experiences. Middleton-Moz (1986) identified communication and sharing feelings as integral to establishing a renewed sense of power in the family. Gayle (1994) focused on the issue of sovereignty and self determination. She reported that it is vital for Indian communities to empower themselves, move away from being victimized, and determine their own destinies that are in line with their particular values and traditions.

The challenge today is to find a way to be responsive to the needs of tribal members. Don Whereat (July 14, 1997) estimates that a majority of the people currently enrolled as tribal members have joined because of an interest in services from the tribe. Other than quality education, housing, and business/ employment related services (Confederated Tribes, 1997), there is a real need in the CTCLUS community for mental health services designed for individuals and families. Pittenger (June 14, 1997) suggests that any substance abuse program sponsored by the Confederated Tribes should be specific to the community. He feels that a program such as this would have more support from the tribal community. Lobato (1997) supported this when he commented that some of his clients resisted participating in the Indian activities he offers because they are not specific to the tribe. With the value of tribal specificity in mind, Lobato (1997) says that his clients are searching desperately for grounding. Many of Lobato's CTCLUS clients have gotten involved in intertribal activities he offers such as Pow-wows and talking circles. Pittenger (June 14, 1997) also recalled CTCLUS clients who have attended intertribal sweats and Indian oriented AA meetings. Another factor to consider is the need to tailor substance abuse programs toward the specific needs of tribal members, such as the excessive methamphetamine use that Lobato (1997) reported. The Confederated Tribes (1997) also has educational and career-related plans to prevent cases of drug and alcohol abuse.

The Confederated Tribes of Coos, Lower Umpqua, and Siuslaw Indians can effectively address the mental health issues that are the result of over a century of historical trauma by taking control of the services that are necessary for its members. It is never too late or too early to start. The Confederated Tribes (1997) has committed to providing services throughout a tribal member's lifetime. Don Whereat pointed out that he has the most luck sharing Coos traditions with children in the primary grades (Whereat, July 10, 1997). Just as the damage was first done with efforts to change the children in boarding schools, one of the best places to start rebuilding is with the children.

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