The Russian
Revolution of 1917
By Professor Gerhard
Rempel, Western New England College
Russian
socialists and their relationship to the war played a key role in setting the
stage for revolution in Russia. Lenin, the leader of the radical Bolsheviks,
was an outlaw and actually lived in Galicia and Switzerland at the beginning of
World War I. He carried on a lively debate with the more moderate wing of the
Russian Social Democrats called Mensheviks. The key issue was the relationship
of revolution to war. Unlike the other socialist, Lenin actually was in favor
of war at this time, because he thought it would weaken capitalism and prepare
the ground for revolution. But in two key votes on this issue within the party
he lost.
At
Zimmerwald in September 1915 the decision against Lenin was 23 to 7 within the
leadership. Lenin denounced the victors as "social patriots" and
"social pacifists" - terms which today have none of the derogatory
ring of the time. At Kienthal in April 1916 the decision was much the same.
Most of the European workers disavowed Lenin and socialist leaders said he was
fanatical, romantic, and sectarian. Lenin, in turn called the socialists
hopelessly bourgeois.
The
Bolshevik Duma deputies, meanwhile, are arrested and indicted for treason. They
are then sent off to Siberia, including Sverdlov, Ordjonikidze, and Stalin. In
1913 Stalin had been arrested for the sixth time - so this was the seventh time
for him. The Central Committee of the Bolsheviks in St. Petersburg was disbanded
by the police in 1912. It reorganized itself in the summer of 1916 under the
leadership of Shliapnikov, assisted by Molotov and Stalin.
Lenin,
still in Switzerland, writes Imperialism, The Highest Stage of Capitalism. In
this opus he extends the exploitation of class to that of an entire people.
Yet, despite all this, Lenin is very skeptical about revolutionary situation in
the early years of the war. As far as tsarist Russia and the War is concerned,
the outcome of two early battles tells the whole story. The Battle of
Tannenberg and the Battle of Masurian Lakes ends Russian enthusiasm for war and
conquest. The collapse of the Russian front weakened the whole political
structure beyond repair The Brusilov Offensive during the summer of 1916 ends
up being a Pyrrhic victory. By November 1916 the Duma is ready to accuse the
government of "high treason." But the tsar refused to yield to the
liberals and thus sealed his fate.
Demonstrations
in St. Petersburg soon broke out and started the slide to revolution. St.
Petersburg garrison troops proved to be unreliable in quelling these
demonstrations. The other important factor was the Duma, Russia's parliament.
On March 11 the Duma ignored the tsar's order to dissolve itself, while fires in
the city broke out that very night. Meanwhile, the men of the Volhynian guard
regiment, elite oft he elite, proceeded to murder their officers. The Duma,
meeting in the Taurida Palace, made it clear that they represented the people
of Russia whole will was being ignored.
On
March 12 the Duma elected an Executive Committee which assumed dictatorial
powers on behalf of the Duma - something like that. Most of its members were
from the Progressive block. So it is clear that the revolution, now in full
gear, was made by the parliament.
Also
on March 12 the revolutionary instinct of the mob was released. Prisons were
opened and the prisoners mingled with the demonstrators. Street fights
developed with the troops and the police sent in to suppress them. Members of
the cabinet were "arrested" by the insurgents.
Also
on the same day, the third force in this game, the Executive Committee of
Soldiers and Workers Deputies is founded. It is modeled on the one created in
the Revolution of 1905 by Leon Trotsky. The Executive Committee was led by
Chkheidze, a Menshevik. This Committee literally occupied the Duma and presumed
to address the Russian people from that vantage point. But the Duma's own
Executive Committee still retained the political initiative. The Left in the
Duma Committee at this time was represented by Chkheidze and Alexander
Kerensky.
Only
two days later, on March 14, the Czarist Regime is overthrown in St. Petersburg
while an uprising in Moscow is also successful. The Duma Committee then sent a
delegation to see the tsar in Pskov and force him to abdicate - which he does
on the following day, March 15. Grand duke Michael had refused the crown unless
the will of a constituent assembly was heard. This, in effect, sealed the fate
of the House of Romanov. On March 22, 1917, Nicholas II was arrested at army
headquarters and imprisoned at Tsarkoe Selo, the famous royal palace in the
countryside. He and his whole family were killed at Ekaterinenburg in the Urals
in July 1918
The
Provisional Government which replaced the tsar grew out of the Executive
Committee of the Duma. Thus Russia became a de facto Republic. A partial
cabinet was created with Prince Lvov as Prime Minister. Paul Miliukov became
Foreign Minister and Alexander Kerensky the Minister of Justice, representing
left- wing liberals. The general aim of this government is clear enough: to
make a political revolution, not a social revolution. Yet social reform if not
social revolution was necessary in the existing conditions of agrarian unrest
and dissatisfaction of the industrial proletariat.
On
March 15 civil liberties are proclaimed and the promise of convening a
constituent assembly is made. Political prisoners are amnestied and returned
from Siberia. The police is replaced with a people's militia. Elections are
postponed until the Constituent Assembly can meet. Its meeting is postponed
until the fall. This is a tragic mistake. The authority of the government is
severely limited by the Soviet, which is in direct competition with he
government.
If
there was any doubt about this, it soon vanished when the Soviet issued the
famous "Order No. 1." This was a clarion call for soldiers councils
to be established in every military unit and for the election of officers by
the troops. All of this resulted in catastrophic confusion within the army,
since armies in general can hardly function as democratic institutions
especially in times of war.
At
this time the Social Revolutionaries dominated the Soviet since they represent
the peasants, Russia's clear majority. Next in importance are the Mensheviks
and the Bolsheviks, in that order. Members had been elected in factories,
workshops, and military barracks. There were a total of 2,500 representatives:
one worker for each 1000 workers and one soldier for each company. Soviets on
this pattern were soon formed in many cities and rural areas. The nobility,
upper middle class and the educated classes were deliberately excluded. No time
limit was set on the soviets jurisdiction, although they had a lot of moral
authority since they were associated with being close to the electorate and
because the executive and legislative functions had been blurred. This gave
them unusual power.
In
St. Petersburg a Central Executive Committee of the Soviets was formed. It
contained mostly leaders of socialist parties headed by a presidium.
The
big problem for the Provisional Government was the war. In the Provisional
Government the moderates wanted a continuation of the war. The Bolsheviks,
outside the Provisional Government, called for immediate peace "without
annexations and reparations." The Soviets were uncertain what policy to
adopt: they realized that the people were tired of war but did not want to risk
a complete military collapse.
The
Allies, of course, were are sympathetic to the Provisional Government, largely
because of its stand on continuation of the war. The U.S.A. was the first
government to recognize the Provisional Government on March 22, 1917. The
English, French and Italians soon followed suit. The Allies clearly see the
necessity of tying down as many German divisions in the East as possible, so
this is a strategic move. But they also suggest the broadening of the Lvov government.
Meanwhile,
controversy between the Provisional Government and the Leftists soon comes into
the open. On March 31 Miliukov promised that Russia would fight on. On April 9
the Soviets once more call for peace. The Provisional Government, somewhat belatedly
on April 21, responds to charges of pursuing a "militaristic and
imperialistic" foreign policy by also declaring itself in favor of peace
without annexations and reparations.
Miliukov
was thus discredited, since he continued to call for continuation of war and
when he sent a note to the Allies on May 1 to this effect a storm broke loose.
There soon were demonstrations demanding the resignation of Miliukov. So, the
Provisional Government was forced to reorganizes on May 18. The Foreign
Minister Miliukov and War Minister Guchkov both were forced to resign.
Prince
Lvov's second government included, for the first time, Alexander Kerensky as
Minister of War and the Navy and it also included other socialists. The
Miliukov note of May to the Allies is withdrawn, but the government supported
the demand for peace without annexations and reparations and also called for
self-determination of nations. It was quite logical, therefore that the
treaties of 1914 and 1915, which made demands for the annexation of territories,
were canceled as well as Russia's demand for the straits.
Quickly
emerging as the new leader, Alexander Kerensky's announced two goals: offensive
against the Central Powers and democratic reorganization of the military
command. Kerensky's "Declaration of Soldiers Rights" on May 22
included the appointment of commissars in the army to handle soldiers councils,
but the councils issued orders contradicting the commanders and thus undermined
the officer corps. Defeatist literature was distributed on a massive scale by
radical socialists and Bolshevik agents and fraternization with the enemy hit
the military ranks hard.
Kerensky
then visited the front and tried to rouse the soldiers to fight on, actually
launching an offensive in July 1917. A breach in the Austrian lines is actually
made to everyone's surprise, but the Germans launched a counter-offensive which
stopped the Russians cold. Now whole Russian regiments begin to mutiny. General
Kornilov, coming out of nowhere, demanded harsh military discipline. In
desperation he was made commander-in-chief on July 30, but it was too late -
the people turned their eyes on the Bolsheviks now.
Since
March confusion reigned in the Bolshevik Party. Party policy was directed by a
temporary bureau of the Central Committee composed of Molotov, Shliapnikov and
Zalutsky, all of whom were self-educated workers. All three were surprised by
the March revolution. So the party has split into a Left wing and a Right wing.
The temporary bureau belonged to the Left wing but was ineffective.
Pravda,
the party newspaper, meanwhile carried on active propaganda against the
extension of the war, attacked the Mensheviks as traitors, and called for
"resignation of the provisional government and all power to the
soviets." The Right wing led by Kamenev supported the government of Prince
Lvov and wanted to heal the split with the Mensheviks.
Joseph
Stalin, who with Kamenev returned from exile on March 25, was a senior member
of the Central Committee founded in 1912. Without asking anyone's permission,
he went into action by closing down the temporary bureau and taking control of
Pravda, which had been more conciliatory to the Provisional Government. Lenin,
from exile in Switzerland, sent a letter criticizing this particular action by
Stalin. A Party Conference was then held on April 10 to straighten things out.
The assumption was that they should be satisfied with the democratic results of
the liberal revolution and postpone the socialist demands until later.
The
moderate Bolsheviks at this time supported the Provisional Government while
radical Bolsheviks insisted that the revolution must be anti-capitalist and not
only anti-feudal. Stalin maneuvered between the two groups trying to prevent an
open split. At this crucial moment, on April 16 Lenin returned from Switzerland
in a sealed train as a hostage of the German High Command. This changed
everything.
Lenin
received a triumphal welcome at the Finland Station, although we know since the
downfall of Communism that this welcome was artificially manufactured at the
last moment. Chkheidze welcomed him in the name of the Soviets, but Lenin
ignored him and addressed the people assembled to meet him. There were cheers
not so much for the triumphant Russian revolution but the coming world
revolution - or so at least official propaganda would have it.
On
April 17 there was a Joint Meeting of the Bolsheviks and the Mensheviks at the
Taurida Palace. Lenin announced his so-called April Thesis. This includes
demands for a breach with the Provisional Government; the refusal to cooperate
with the moderate socialists; an attack on Pravda and its current line defined
by Stalin; and a demand that they win over the masses and work for a majority
in the Soviets. The Soviets were then completely dominated bythe Mensheviks and
Social Revolutionary Party.
But
the heart of Lenin's April Thesis was extremely revolutionary: He demanded the
liquidation of the standing army; liquidation of the police; liquidation of the
bureaucracy; socialization of the banks; control by the workers of production
and distribution of goods; and finally the division of the land among the
peasants. In the context of Russia this last one was clearly the most
revolutionary.
An
one observer, Sukhanov, said: "I shall never forget the speech...which
broke like lightening over the assembly and shook and confused not only me...it
seemed as if all the elements had been let loose, as if the demon of
destruction was rising from his depth."
But
Lenin had a hard time convincing his party comrades to accept his thesis. The
St. Petersburg party conference gave him only a majority of 20 out of 35 votes.
At the All Russian Party Conference in May there were excited debates: Lenin
proposed to break with the International Workers Movement and found a new
international. It was turned down. He also proposed to rename the party as the
Communist Party of Russia. This was also turned down. But the conference did
support his stand on the right of self-determination, even the right to secede.
There was a compromise on cooperation with the other leftist parties and the
relationship to the Soviets. By the time it was all over, the majority of the
Party was in Lenin's hand. Only Kamenev, Zinoviev, and Bukharin oppose him
consistently. On the final resolutions he got 71 votes for, 39 against and 8
abstentions.
It
is clear that Lenin knew how to arouse the anarchistic instincts of the masses,
how to mobilize the masses. The momentum was to be continued until the world
revolution came. But the masses needed the direction and guardianship of an
elite party. This was the view which Lenin imposed on the party and eventually
saddled on Russia for 75 years.
The
Bolsheviks soon elected a new Central Committee. The party now had 76,000
members, double what it in February. Stalin wrote a little pamphlet called
"Land for the Peasants". This in essence told the peasants to
"form a committee and take the land!" Trotsky returned a month after
Lenin did and seeing how the wind was blowing joined the Bolshevik party.
A
new coalition government was formed which included Mensheviks and Social
Revolutionaries. So the battle with the soviets came to an end. The soviets had
lost ground among the urban masses in any case. Lenin continued to cry for
"All power to the Soviets!" This, however, in the new situation,
became a risky ploy.
At
the All Russian Congress of Soviets on June 16 the breakdown of delegates had
ominous signs for Lenin. The Social Revolutionaries produced 285 delegates; the
Mensheviks 248 delegates; and the Bolsheviks merely 105 delegates. Yet during
street demonstrations most of the placards carried Bolshevik slogans. So, go
figure! Lenin must have believed that in time he would conquer the soviets from
within.
This
was one of Lenin major miscalculations. He thought the time was ripe for a
Bolshevik coup. But the masses were not yet ready for anything as radical as he
had to offer. The uprising only brought out a few radicals besides the active
Bolsheviks. It was easily crushed by the forces of the Provisional Government.
Kerensky still had the muscle. Several Bolsheviks were arrested and Lenin went
into temporary hiding to bide his time and recalculate the possibilities of the
situation. It was not easy for him to get out of town. He had to hide and
masquerade as a peasant to get across the border into Finland.
The
general situation was quickly deteriorating. Peasants, notorious for their
lethargic impassivity, became strangely impatient. It appeared that they had
been affected by the propaganda of the Social Revolutionaries and the
Bolsheviks. In retrospect it is easy to say that he failure to find an
immediate answer to the land hunger of the peasants was the Provisional
Government's biggest mistake. In industry too the Provisional Government had no
constructive program to determine action. Production dropped to 30-49% of the
pre-revolutionary level. A suggestion was made to turn the factories over to
government control. Instead what actually happened was that the workers took
over most of the factories themselves, but did not have the managerial skills
to run them effectively.
Prices
rose and the currency became devalued. Then emergency currency was issued,
known derisively as the "Kerensky bills". This meant that the
government had embarked on a path of deliberate inflation. Kerensky then called
for a National Political Conference to jack up his tottering prestige. A
certain General Kornilov was applauded at the conference and this led him to
think he had real power. So the naive general laid down the conditions for his
support of the Provisional Government: no interference in military questions
and re-establishment of military discipline.
The
question in most peoples' minds was: "What does Kornilov's really
want?" Even now the details of Kornilov's coup attempt are difficult to
interpret, but it is certain that Kerensky wanted to settle accounts with the
Bolsheviks. To do this he asked Kornilov to send troops to the capital.
Kornilov thought together with Kerensky he could re-establish order. That much
we can safely assume. But did he seek military dictatorship? Probably not. He
wanted to make the government more independent of the Soviets and more amenable
to influence by the military.
Kornilov
was led to believe Kerensky wanted him to establish a temporary dictatorship
with Kerensky given a prominent place in the new government. When Kerensky
discovered Kornilov's misconceptions he asked Kornilov to resign and come to
St. Petersburg immediately. Kornilov then decided to act and began to move his
Third Cavalry Division on the capital. Kerensky replied by a levee en masse in
the capital. All the left-wing parties and factions cooperated, including the
notorious Kronstadt sailors.
Most
important, the key railroad unions cooperated with Kerensky by pulling up
tracks re-directing trains. Thus the attack is stopped. Kornilov and his staff
were summarily arrested. It is clear that Kornilov was obviously not a born
dictator. Kerensky now felt that he was the victor. In this he was gravely
mistaken - as events would demonstrate. Lenin was in exile and Kornilov was in
jail, however, and so Kerensky officially declared Russia to be a republic. It
was a serious self-deception: the Bolsheviks alone profited from the situation.
The Allies at this point grew impatient with Kerensky.
The
liberals lose confidence in Kerensky after the Kornilov coup attempt as well. So
Kerensky drew closer to the radicals but the rest of his cabinet turned to the
right. The Bolsheviks cried conspiracy to establish monarchist dictatorship,
but it was not true. Yet, the Bolsheviks did get a majority in the soviet for
the first time - more than 50% in the September elections. They had had only
10% in July. Strangely enough, Trotsky was released from jail at this time only
to become president of St. Petersburg Soviet. He was supported by the
Bolsheviks and the left wing of the Social Revolutionary party.
"All
power to Soviets" had a totally different meaning now. So Trotsky's
efforts are aimed at a new revolution hidden in the slogan. Lenin wanted to
make revolution NOW. Trotsky wanted to couple it with the meeting of the All
Russian Soviet. Under the lawful cloak of a broadly elected,
popular-representative body, the Soviets, the conspiracy could be planned and
prepared with a degree of carefulness which made Lenin's plan for a spontaneous
coup by the Party appear to be an irresponsible adventure.
Trotsky
knew how to maneuver in the complicated alignment of power in the triangle of
Provisional Government, Soviets, and Bolshevik Party. The Soviets assumed the
right to decide on troop movement in St. Petersburg area without anyone being
able to challenge their illegal actions. On October 26 the Soviets established
a Military Revolutionary Committee with Leon Trotsky as chairman.
Thus
Trotsky became the chief of the general staff of the Bolshevik insurrection.
All threads of the conspiracy were now in Trotsky's hand. The Central Committee
of the Bolshevik Party still debated fundamental questions endlessly while
Trotsky took concrete action. Lenin tried to persuade Kamenev and Zenoviev who
wanted to wait until the meeting of the Constituent Assembly took place.
Ominously, on October 20 Trotsky and the Bolsheviks left Kerensky's Preliminary
Parliament. The new Bolshevik slogans were "Petrograd is in danger",
"Revolution is in danger", "People are in danger"!
On
October 21 Lenin returned secretly to the city to participate in the Central
Committee meeting of October 23. This was a historic meeting of the Central
Committee of the Bolshevik Party. Only 12 people were present and accounted
for. Ten of them voted for immediate revolution, thus completely isolating the
two democratic holdouts, Kamenev and Zenoviev. A new Politburo is elected,
including Lenin, Trotsky, Stalin, Sokolnikov, Bubnov, Kamenev, Zenoviev.
(Kamenev and Zenoviev resign a few days later).
The
All Russian Soviet Congress was supposed to meet on November 2, but the
Menshevik majority decided to postpone to November 7, which enormously helped
the Bolsheviks. They had a week to prepare the insurrection. The Insurrection
proper took place on the evening of November 6. St. Petersburg regiments voted
to take orders only from Trotsky as the representative of the Military
Revolutionary Committee (November 3). This is the first step in the mutiny. On
November 5 the Military Revolutionary Committee appointed commissars for all
military units around St. Petersburg.
The
government delivered a counter-stroke on November 6 by occupying the newspaper
offices of the Bolsheviks, but this merely gave Trotsky a pretext to strike the
first blow. The revolution began without a shot. Insurgent troops occupied all
bridges, railroad stations, post offices and other public buildings. The Winter
Palace, seat of the Provisional Government, was taken without much trouble. The
cruiser Aurora in Neva river simply bombarded the Winter Palace, as the
insurgents fought against a few ensigns and a battalion of women. This was all
the government could get to defend itself. During the night of November 7-8 the
government capitulated.
Late
in the evening of November 6 the Soviet Congress met as planned. Though the
Bolsheviks did not have a absolute majority, they could rely on the support of
the left wing Social Revolutionaries. The sessions had hardly begun when the
right wing Social Revolutionaries and the Mensheviks declared that the Congress
could not continue to meet under the threat of arms which the bombardment of
the Winter Palace had just signaled. As a protest against the insurrection they
left the hall. In so doing they surrendered the field to the Bolsheviks.
With
triumphant scorn Trotsky could now reject all cooperation with the moderate
Socialists; "Your role is played out," he shouted. "Go where you
belong from now on--into the rubbish-can of history." At this point the
left wing Mensheviks under Martov had no choice but to leave the Congress too.
The Bolsheviks now had an absolute majority and could sanction what had
happened. The rising in St. Petersburg had succeeded. The Bolsheviks were in
power.